“You have to learn the rules of the game. And then you have to play better than anyone else.” - Albert Einstein

So, EFCA… What is That, Exactly?

Posted on April 27th, 2009 by Tim Eavenson | No Comments »
Filed under: ., HR Issues, Labor Law, Politics | Print This Post

efca-great-debateYou can’t get away from it.  The thing is everywhere.

The internet has ads for it.  And against it.  At the party your wife dragged you to, they were talking about it.  At your office yesterday, too.   The news can’t get enough of it, be it Fox, Air America or NPRIt’s on people’s bumpers, for crying out loud.  

Maybe you’ve gone along with these people, not wanting to be the one to admit you don’t really get it, or maybe you ‘ve never heard of it.  But the fact remains, everyone – everyone – is talking about the Employee Free Choice Act, and you have no idea what they’re saying. 

Hi.  This post is for you.

Introduced in both houses, for the second time (it first hit the House in 2007), EFCA is the proposed legislation that blew the doors open on NLRA reform.   Called “Card Check”  by its detractors, the bill would drastically change national labor law and policy, resulting in easier unionization of workplaces, more strength for union activities, and higher penalties for employer violations.  Needless to say, the business community is less than pleased. 

You may have heard that the Free Choice Act might not pass – that’s true.  Some key former supporters have jumped ship recently, leading to questions about the bill’s viability in this year’s Congress.  But the cat’s out of the bag on reforming the national labor laws, and if   when something happens, it will be because of the conversation started over EFCA.

So what’s the big deal?  Here’s what the bill would do:

1. Replace the current rules for voting for or against a union. 

Currently, a union has to get a majority of workers to sign cards indicating they want to hold a union election, present the cards to the NLRB, then let the NLRB oversee a secret ballot election.  The unions say this takes too long, and gives the employer a chance to hire a union-busting consultant or lawyer (or both), retaliate and threaten pro-union supporters, force employees to attend anti-union meetings, and otherwise clog worker’s attention with reasons they should vote “no”.  Then, they say, a lot of employers find ways to just plain cheat. 

The Free Choice Act would do away with everything except that very first part, where a majority of workers signed cards saying they wanted the vote.  After EFCA, those cards would be their votes, and a majority of cards would mean the union won.  This is where the bulk of the EFCA debate focuses its attention – the business community says giving up “secret ballot” elections is unamerican.  The unions say there were never fair elections to begin with.  But that’s mostly just rhetoric.  Here’s the real debate:

From the business perspective, this has “fraud bait” written all over it.  Without NLRB oversight, the potential for cheating by a union looking for new meat would be huge (think: writing in cards, changing votes, padding, etc.).  Trying to keep things fair would prove impossible.

Unions say that EFCA just levels the playing field, since right now they don’t get to talk to the employees before an election, and the employer can say whatever it wants.  To the unions, the employers just don’t want to lose the time they have to hold their indoctrination sessions, and the card check procedure would make it more likely that a worker’s vote wouldn’t be influenced by employer bias.

2. Force Arbitration for First Contracts

If a union wins a vote, of course, the next thing they have to do is start negotiating their first Collective Bargaining Agreement, or CBA.  Right now, while employers have to negotiate in “good faith,”  they don’t have to agree to any specific demand made by the union.  They can always say “no” - it’s called bargaining to an impasse - and the union’s recourse is to do things like go on strike or file a claim with the NLRB.  It’s just understood that first contracts are going to take longer than other contracts, many many months longer, in a lot of cases.

Under EFCA, after two months of bargaining, either side will have a right to submit the negotiations to binding arbitration.  An arbitrator will hear both sides and then work out the contract’s provisions as they see fit.  Those contract terms will then be binding on the employer and the union for two years. 

So, if an employer really feels strongly enough to fight a union demand tooth-and-nail, it’s not only going to have to bargain hard with the union, it’s going to have to convice an arbitrator that whatever the union wants is bad for the company and the workers.  Former Republican Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich recently calls the arbitration changes in EFCA the ”real threat” of the bill.  

3. Raise the Penalties for Employer Labor Law Violations

This doesn’t get nearly as much attention as the two other changes, but to me, the penalty increases are EFCA’s sleeping giant. 

Right now, when an employer violates an employee’s rights under the NLRA, most of the remedies are focused on getting the employer to do something: sitting down at the bargaining table or restoring an employee’s status.  The Board does have some power to act to ensure future violations won’t happen, by posting signs regarding the employees’ rights, for example.   As far as money goes, the Board can order an employer to pay an aggrieved employee front and back pay in some cases, or pay litigation costs if the employer’s actions warrant it.  But the focus is on restoration of relations, not punishment.

Under EFCA, the concept of “remedy” in the labor law will drastically change.  Instead of just being about restoring an employee, financial damages will move into the “make-sure-this-doesn’t-happen-again” column.  If the Board finds that an employer infringed on a worker’s rights during an organizing campaign, the worker will be entitled to treble damages – three times the back pay he’s owed.   The NLRB will also have to seek an injunction to stop an employer’s actions if it has reason to believe the employer is violating the Act, and can assign fines of up to $20,000 for other employer violations, like threatening to close a plant or lay off workers when they seek unionization.  

When the penalty issue comes up in EFCA debates (which is not as often as it should), employers are quick to point out that there are no comparable penalties for union-side violations of the NLRA.  In their defense, unions cite statistics showing that the overwhelming majority of NLRB cases are employer violations.  Employers say that’s only because workers don’t generally go after unions, but unions will always go after employers. 

I’ll go into more detail on the penalty provision of EFCA in another post, but suffice it to say punishment-style penalties for employers will likely change the nature of the NLRB, from facilitator to enforcer.  Depending on which side of the labor debate you’re on, that is either exciting or very, very scary. 

What Does All This Mean?

The one thing both sides of this debate can agree on is that the Employee Free Choice Act (if it ever gets passed) will drastically alter the landscape of the American workforce.  With card-check elections, employers will have to either accept unionized workers, or work constantly to maintain an anti-union mentality in their employees. 

Plus, service and tech industries that have never thought about national labor law may find themselves with 90 days to negotiate a first contract before going to arbitration, and fear of stiff penalties for violations of the Act. 

Unions see EFCA as levelling the playing field, and there’s no doubt that they have had a difficult time organizing for decades.  As for the business community, even the employers who think they’ve had it relatively easy see EFCA as a drastic move to unionize workers, partially by stripping important safeguards against union misconduct. 

Support for the Free Choice Act is diminishing on the Hill, and the debate now seems to be whether a compromise will take some of the teeth out of one of the three provisions or if the democrats will table EFCA until they can get the votes needed to pass it as-is. 

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That’s it.  Now you’re all caught up.  If you have strong feelings about this significant law, feel free to leave them in the comments.  Otherwise, go hang out at the water cooler and wait for a chance to look smart.


The Candidates on… Healthcare

Posted on November 19th, 2008 by Tim Eavenson | No Comments »
Filed under: Employee Benefits, HR Issues, Politics | Print This Post

The presidential election is upon us.  And you’ve probably notice that, aside from healthcare, workplace issues have not played a very substantial role in the national debate.  With the economic crash, there’s a little more talk of job creation and all, but what do the candidates really believe, and what will they do after they take office, in a year slated to be one of the biggest on record for changes in employment legislation?

This is the first in a series of reports I will post on where the candidates stand on employment law issues, starting with the one you probably know a little about already – healthcare.  Specifically, the employer’s role in providing health insurance.

Going into the campaign season, it was pretty clear that employer-based healthcare coverage wouldn’t leave the next administration untouched, regardless of which party wins.  It was a common theme in the primary debates on both sides, with theories ranging from replacing Medicaid with mandatory pro bono care (Paul) to a full-on government-run single payer system for everybody (Kucinich).    

Neither front runner endorses either of these extremes (with a democratic asterisk, noted below), so what do they think?

Senator McCainmccain-logo

McCain, true to his nature, is not easily pigeonholed as most of his right-wing compatriots.  He has stood against his party’s platform on some key healthcare issues, supporting plans to import drugs from Canada and mandate uniform online recordkeeping. 

That said, he has been clear (especially this year) that healthcare reform means individualizing health insurance.  McCain’s platform includes providing families a $5,000 tax credit (individuals get $2,500) with which to purchase individual insurance (as opposed to employer-based insurance).  He also supports eliminating the interstate restrictions (i.e., state-by-state regulations of insurance plans), so people could “shop around” for the best coverage.  This interstate competition would, in his view, bring down cost.  Because of the emphasis on individual plans, as opposed to employer-based health insurance, McCain would (for the first time ever, as his opponent likes to point out) tax money used to pay insurance premiums as income. 

McCain’s plan has been criticized as being a subversive way of ending employer-based health insurance, and he has not done much to refute those allegations.  Many republicans believe that the future of healthcare lies in giving the populace incentives to govern their own care, and McCain would fall pretty squarely into this camp.  He has said that “socializing” healthcare would ruin it.

We’ll end with a quote from one of the primary debates, summarizing his plan: 

Q: What would you do to curb the high cost of medical health care & to help those who don’t have health insurance?

A: The real question is: How are we going to keep health care costs down, because we have the highest quality of health care in the world in America today? And unlike the Democrats, I’m going to preserve that quality of health care, and at the same time stop the inflation & the skyrocketing costs of health care. And there’s a couple of principles:

- To make the recipient of the health insurance much more responsible in health-care costs.

- To address wellness & fitness.

- To give every American family a $5,000 refundable tax credit so they can go anyplace in America to acquire the health insurance policy that best suits their needs.

- And, if they’ve got money left over, then invest it in a health savings account.

Ronald Reagan said nobody ever washed a rental car. And that’s true in health insurance. If they’re responsible for it, then they will take more care of it.

Senator Obama

Obama’s plan has been one of the cornerstones of his campaign, and also one of the footholds for the “socialist” moniker bestowed upon him of late.  As I said, Obama does not come down on the totally public, not-for-profit, government-payer healthcare plan championed by far-left candidate Dennis Kucinich.  But there’s an important caveat to his policy there.  His reasons for establishing middle ground on healthcare reform are not based on his ideals so much as what he can effectively accomplish.  Here’s a quote from Obama’s website:

“Here’s the bottom line. If I were designing a system from scratch I would probably set up a single-payer system…But we’re not designing a system from scratch…And when we had a healthcare forum before I set up my healthcare plan here in Iowa there was a lot of resistance to a single-payer system. So what I believe is we should set up a series of choices….Over time it may be that we end up transitioning to such a system. For now, I just want to make sure every American is covered…I don’t want to wait for that perfect system…”

So, the issue for Obama is what will work today, but single-payer (universal, government-run) healthcare is still his ideal.  That said, he’s made it clear that his proposal is not single-payer, and gives people the right to choose. 

Obama would give Americans the right to keep the coverage they have, or buy into a government plan that is comparable to the coverage he has as a Senator.  He would help pay for it by making employers who didn’t provide coverage for their employees pay an extra tax (small businesses would be exempt). 

Obama would also eliminate the insurance companies’ ability to deny coverage because of preexisting conditions, something that causes a lot of people to go uninsured now, but would probably raise premiums for small business providing their employees coverage.  Because of this dichotomy (among others) Obama’s system is criticized as the opposite of McCains – a veiled method of instituting “socialized medicine,” or the single-payer plan he endorses but claims is unworkable. 

Like McCain, he has said he would emphasize online organization of medical records, but would go even farther, providing federal funds to encourage more automation and organization in the system altogether, to reduce costs.

We won’t make predictions as to who’s going to win next week, nor will we try to make one guy sound smarter than the other.  That’s up to you.  Next time we’ll talk HR policy, so look for that post soon.

[Unless otheriwse noted, facts and quotes from OnTheIssues.org]