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So, EFCA… What is That, Exactly?

Posted on April 27th, 2009 by Tim Eavenson | No Comments »
Filed under: ., HR Issues, Labor Law, Politics | Print This Post

efca-great-debateYou can’t get away from it.  The thing is everywhere.

The internet has ads for it.  And against it.  At the party your wife dragged you to, they were talking about it.  At your office yesterday, too.   The news can’t get enough of it, be it Fox, Air America or NPRIt’s on people’s bumpers, for crying out loud.  

Maybe you’ve gone along with these people, not wanting to be the one to admit you don’t really get it, or maybe you ‘ve never heard of it.  But the fact remains, everyone – everyone – is talking about the Employee Free Choice Act, and you have no idea what they’re saying. 

Hi.  This post is for you.

Introduced in both houses, for the second time (it first hit the House in 2007), EFCA is the proposed legislation that blew the doors open on NLRA reform.   Called “Card Check”  by its detractors, the bill would drastically change national labor law and policy, resulting in easier unionization of workplaces, more strength for union activities, and higher penalties for employer violations.  Needless to say, the business community is less than pleased. 

You may have heard that the Free Choice Act might not pass – that’s true.  Some key former supporters have jumped ship recently, leading to questions about the bill’s viability in this year’s Congress.  But the cat’s out of the bag on reforming the national labor laws, and if   when something happens, it will be because of the conversation started over EFCA.

So what’s the big deal?  Here’s what the bill would do:

1. Replace the current rules for voting for or against a union. 

Currently, a union has to get a majority of workers to sign cards indicating they want to hold a union election, present the cards to the NLRB, then let the NLRB oversee a secret ballot election.  The unions say this takes too long, and gives the employer a chance to hire a union-busting consultant or lawyer (or both), retaliate and threaten pro-union supporters, force employees to attend anti-union meetings, and otherwise clog worker’s attention with reasons they should vote “no”.  Then, they say, a lot of employers find ways to just plain cheat. 

The Free Choice Act would do away with everything except that very first part, where a majority of workers signed cards saying they wanted the vote.  After EFCA, those cards would be their votes, and a majority of cards would mean the union won.  This is where the bulk of the EFCA debate focuses its attention – the business community says giving up “secret ballot” elections is unamerican.  The unions say there were never fair elections to begin with.  But that’s mostly just rhetoric.  Here’s the real debate:

From the business perspective, this has “fraud bait” written all over it.  Without NLRB oversight, the potential for cheating by a union looking for new meat would be huge (think: writing in cards, changing votes, padding, etc.).  Trying to keep things fair would prove impossible.

Unions say that EFCA just levels the playing field, since right now they don’t get to talk to the employees before an election, and the employer can say whatever it wants.  To the unions, the employers just don’t want to lose the time they have to hold their indoctrination sessions, and the card check procedure would make it more likely that a worker’s vote wouldn’t be influenced by employer bias.

2. Force Arbitration for First Contracts

If a union wins a vote, of course, the next thing they have to do is start negotiating their first Collective Bargaining Agreement, or CBA.  Right now, while employers have to negotiate in “good faith,”  they don’t have to agree to any specific demand made by the union.  They can always say “no” - it’s called bargaining to an impasse - and the union’s recourse is to do things like go on strike or file a claim with the NLRB.  It’s just understood that first contracts are going to take longer than other contracts, many many months longer, in a lot of cases.

Under EFCA, after two months of bargaining, either side will have a right to submit the negotiations to binding arbitration.  An arbitrator will hear both sides and then work out the contract’s provisions as they see fit.  Those contract terms will then be binding on the employer and the union for two years. 

So, if an employer really feels strongly enough to fight a union demand tooth-and-nail, it’s not only going to have to bargain hard with the union, it’s going to have to convice an arbitrator that whatever the union wants is bad for the company and the workers.  Former Republican Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich recently calls the arbitration changes in EFCA the ”real threat” of the bill.  

3. Raise the Penalties for Employer Labor Law Violations

This doesn’t get nearly as much attention as the two other changes, but to me, the penalty increases are EFCA’s sleeping giant. 

Right now, when an employer violates an employee’s rights under the NLRA, most of the remedies are focused on getting the employer to do something: sitting down at the bargaining table or restoring an employee’s status.  The Board does have some power to act to ensure future violations won’t happen, by posting signs regarding the employees’ rights, for example.   As far as money goes, the Board can order an employer to pay an aggrieved employee front and back pay in some cases, or pay litigation costs if the employer’s actions warrant it.  But the focus is on restoration of relations, not punishment.

Under EFCA, the concept of “remedy” in the labor law will drastically change.  Instead of just being about restoring an employee, financial damages will move into the “make-sure-this-doesn’t-happen-again” column.  If the Board finds that an employer infringed on a worker’s rights during an organizing campaign, the worker will be entitled to treble damages – three times the back pay he’s owed.   The NLRB will also have to seek an injunction to stop an employer’s actions if it has reason to believe the employer is violating the Act, and can assign fines of up to $20,000 for other employer violations, like threatening to close a plant or lay off workers when they seek unionization.  

When the penalty issue comes up in EFCA debates (which is not as often as it should), employers are quick to point out that there are no comparable penalties for union-side violations of the NLRA.  In their defense, unions cite statistics showing that the overwhelming majority of NLRB cases are employer violations.  Employers say that’s only because workers don’t generally go after unions, but unions will always go after employers. 

I’ll go into more detail on the penalty provision of EFCA in another post, but suffice it to say punishment-style penalties for employers will likely change the nature of the NLRB, from facilitator to enforcer.  Depending on which side of the labor debate you’re on, that is either exciting or very, very scary. 

What Does All This Mean?

The one thing both sides of this debate can agree on is that the Employee Free Choice Act (if it ever gets passed) will drastically alter the landscape of the American workforce.  With card-check elections, employers will have to either accept unionized workers, or work constantly to maintain an anti-union mentality in their employees. 

Plus, service and tech industries that have never thought about national labor law may find themselves with 90 days to negotiate a first contract before going to arbitration, and fear of stiff penalties for violations of the Act. 

Unions see EFCA as levelling the playing field, and there’s no doubt that they have had a difficult time organizing for decades.  As for the business community, even the employers who think they’ve had it relatively easy see EFCA as a drastic move to unionize workers, partially by stripping important safeguards against union misconduct. 

Support for the Free Choice Act is diminishing on the Hill, and the debate now seems to be whether a compromise will take some of the teeth out of one of the three provisions or if the democrats will table EFCA until they can get the votes needed to pass it as-is. 

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That’s it.  Now you’re all caught up.  If you have strong feelings about this significant law, feel free to leave them in the comments.  Otherwise, go hang out at the water cooler and wait for a chance to look smart.


Supreme Court Grants Cert. on Awesome California Labor Case – And Also Some Gun Thing.

Posted on November 20th, 2007 by Tim Eavenson | No Comments »
Filed under: Uncategorized | Print This Post

I know, I know. Everyone’s talking about D.C. v. Heller, the Second Amendment bombshell of a cert. grant. Believe me, the D.C. Circuit version, Parker, was my life for 3 months of moot courtness this fall. I’m interested.

But if you want to talk guns, you’re in the wrong place – unless it’s a postal service article or something – and Heller was not the only cert petition granted today.

The Supremes agreed to hear a challenge of a California labor statute that prohibits employer communication during a union campaign. The case, Chamber of Commerce v. Brown, could give the Court a chance to define the extent an employer’s noncoercive speech is protected by the 1st Amendment or Section 8 of the NLRA. Except, of course, that it’s been long-settled that both of those things are true, so, that’s dangerous.

From the Petition for Cert.:

[The statute] forbids employers that receive either a state “grant” or over $10,000 from a “state program” from using those funds “to assist, promote, or deter union organizing,” which is defined as “any attempt by an employer to influence the decision of its employees in this state or those of its subcontractors regarding either …[w]hether to support or oppose a labor organization that represents or seeks to represent those employees … [or] [w]hether to become a member of any labor organization,” This proscription applies to “any expense, including legal and consulting fees and salaries of supervisors and employees, incurred for research for, or preparation, planning, or coordination of, or carrying out, an activity to assist, promote, or deter union organizing.”

The 9th Circuit held en banc that the state law wasn’t preempted by the NLRA because it only tangentially touches on noncoercive speech. And then it got good:

[The 9th Circuit held that the statute was not preempted] because noncoercive employer speech is neither actually nor arguably protected by the NLRA. It held that section 8(c) of the NLRA does not grant employers speech rights but “simply prohibits their noncoercive speech from being used as evidence of an unfair labor practice.”

Wow. That could be a thing.

We’re thinking that SCOTUS is going to overrule the 9th Circuit here. Why? Two reasons: 1) the Roberts Court is clearly pro-business, and this case, brought by the California Chamber of Commerce, is as “business” as they come, and 2) the Supreme Court always overrules the 9th Circuit. Seriously, their like the Buffalo Bills – it doesn’t matter how good they are, they’re never going to win.


Controversial New NLRB Ruling: Act Only Protects People Who Want Jobs

Posted on October 16th, 2007 by Tim Eavenson | No Comments »
Filed under: Uncategorized | Print This Post


The NLRB has limited the National Labor Relations Act’s protections to only those job applicants who really want jobs they apply for. This will finally cut out all those independently wealthy jerks who apply for jobs and then turn them down just for laughs.

In Toering Electric Co., 351 NLRB No. 18, the Board said that only applicants with a “genuine interest” in developing an employment relationship with an employer will be covered under the Act. The General Counsel will have the ultimate burden to prove the applicant intended to develop the relationship, and the Board said that he could use receipts from restaurants and movie theaters where the applicant took the employer on dates and witness testimony of hand holding and make-out sessions at clubs as evidence.

Yeah, we made that last part up.

This is really another assault on the union strategy of “salting” that the Board seems oddly obsessed with lately.

As we previously reported, The Board limited salting protection earlier this year, holding that Salts would have to prove they planned to stay after the campaign if they wanted back pay for being let go. In Toering Electric, the Board (though seriously divided) raises the bar for bringing a claim at all, holding that Section 2(3) requires at least a “rudimentary economic relationship” that is absent in true salting cases.

The dissent went to town on that, saying nothing in the Act says anything about a person’s motives for applying – that you could be our hypothetical billionaire above and the NLRA should afford you the same protection as anyone else.

The big problem we see here is that the Supreme Court unanimously held that salts were protected under Section 2(3). If this trend in the Board continues – we see a trip to the Big House coming soon – and with the Supremes walking with their new gangstar lean, the Board may find the support they’re looking for.

Let us know what you think in the comments.